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Darwinian Racism

There is a narrative that the Republican Party is the "party of no," wishing to blindly oppose anything Obama does.  Opponents of Obama's policies have been characterized by the loudest and least sophisticated voices at town hall meetings.  Sarah Palin's blunt expressions of policy preferences have become the measure of conservatives' intellectual depth.  Rush Limbaugh's sharp rhetoric has become the standard for judging conservatives' intellectual honesty and openness.  Joe Wilson's outburst suddenly became the measure of all conservatives' civility.

But then it got worse.  Unable to make sense of all the vehement opposition, liberals decided to call the opposition "racist."  That pot had been simmering for some time but boiled over after Wilson's yell, with a slew of columns and commenters (including former President Carter) making the derogatory claim.

Michelle Goldberg at "The American Prospect" offers her rambling revisionist review of history.  Joe Klein at "Time" asserts that racism is at work but it's "complicated."  Klein makes the most revealing argument about the "racist" nature of dissent saying, "I tried to make it clear that I wasn't talking about classic white-black racism."

If not "classic white-black racism," then what kind of racism are we talking about? According to Klein, it is a fear of that which is foreign:
Barack Obama is the apotheosis of all they fear. He is a child of what used to be called miscegenation--a mixed marriage. His father was a Muslim, his mother was sort of a hippy. She raised him in Hawaii, which is just barely American and in Indonesia (which is very suspicious). He is a liberal (even if a prohibitively moderate one). Worse, he's a completely urban sort. There is nothing resembling a log cabin in his background. We've had elite Presidents--the Roosevelts, the Bushes--but we have never really had an urban one.
I think Klein has a point.  Ignoring for a moment the color of Obama's skin, these factors would exist and would cause concern for a good number of people (however subconsciously).  People do fear that which is unfamiliar and with which they do not feel an association.  It was the color of Obama's skin, however, that contributed to those factors fading into the background.  A white man would have been mercilessly critiqued for such an atypical life.

But this is not a racial fear based on the history and experience of our nation.  It is not in the same family as slavery, segregation, and Los Angeles race riots.  And I think Klein overstates his case.  The dissent is not based on anxiety of foreignness because of Obama - conservatives fear what they see as an extremist liberal agenda.  Honest dissent may fuel anxiety related to Obama's background, but that doesn't mean the dissent must stop.

G.W. Bush was attacked as a draft dodger, as a son seeking revenge against Saddam, as little more than a stooge for neocons who pulled all the strings.  In the election of 2004, John Kerry was portrayed as a dependant on his wealthy wife, a fraudulent war hero, and an out-of-touch snob.  Questions about John McCain's eligibility to be president were raised due to the fact he was born on a military base outside our borders.  Sarah Palin's detractors were appalled by her own foreignness, she coming from the backward state of Alaska with moose and snow-machine racing, shaking feminists to their core (see a column by Courtney E. Martin for a fair analysis of Palin's impact).

Obama's background IS living in a foreign nation, having a foreign father, having an unusually free-spirited mother, living halfway to Japan in what seems a tropical paradise of Hawaii to most of us on the mainland.  But his background was never politicized on the same scale that every other candidate's background has been.  Early in his bid for office, there were assertions that Obama wasn't 'really black.'  Again, it was fear of foreignness - then by blacks.  It was about life experience.  It is not about judging Obama by the color of his skin.

So why call it racism?  There are two reasons.  The first is the hope for political profit by those who make claims of racism.  The second reason - the rationale behind the more intellectual claims of a Joe Klein - is related to the first but is more complex.  As our society has progressed, those dedicated to civil rights causes have had less influence, less grist.  The feminist movement is the clearest example of this phenomenon - now in it's "third wave."  A deconstruction occurs in which old labels are applied to new intellectual paradigms.  The feminist movement is no longer about women's rights - but rather gender roles and norms (which are to be deconstructed).  George Will writes about the deconstruction phenomenon in the arts, where every expression (including "dinner-table arrangements") is "art."

By calling opponents of Obama's policies "racist," the liberal racism argument can survive and can continue to exert influence, where it would otherwise flounder.  But as Klein admits, it's not really "racism."  In fact, it's normal politics - which has become unacceptable when the President of the United States is black.

Update: What real racism in politics looks like.
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The Neoconservatism of the Left

The term "neoconservative" has been thrown around as an insult for years by people who probably don't know what it means.  They heard the word on the news, used against George Bush, and though it must mean "stupid."

Wikipedia defines it this way: "Neoconservatism is a political philosophy that emerged in the United States of America, and which supports using American economic and military power to bring liberalism, democracy, and human rights to other countries."

Barack Obama and many others on the left have long called the efforts in Afghanistan the 'good war.'  Obama has increased troops there and will probably do so again in the near future.  Conservative George Will recently wrote a column arguing that we should get out of Afghanistan because it has no strategic importance, is no longer a base of operations for al Qaeda, and we should not be invested in trying to create a lasting democracy in another nation.  Meanwhile Obama fights the opium trade and works to support the Afghan government.

The Obama administration has decided to sanction Honduras after the nation ousted former President Zelaya.  The Honduran Supreme Court ruled that Zelaya violated their constitution by trying to extend his term, the Congress voted for his removal by a large margin, and the military was ordered to arrest him.  Zelaya was exiled (without trial) and the Congress voted for a new President.  The Obama administration claim the sanctions are being used to support democracy.  Of course, Honduras is still a democracy, operating under the same constitution, with an elected Congress, and a new president.  That hasn't impeded liberals from pretending to be experts on Honduran law, delving into legal texts to support their position that his removal was not legal under their laws.

The ultimate point is that the Obama administration is neoconservative.  Liberals criticized Bush for his alleged neoconservatism but they do not dare use the word now.  They dare not believe that the margin of "change" is much smaller than they think.  They dare not believe that their own political discourses are no better informed or expressed than the 'unwashed masses' who speak against Obama's health care plan at town hall meetings.  Obama is a neoconservative, that is one reason George Will's column has inspired such a debate amongst conservatives.
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"Health Insurance Isn’t Health Care"

In an article in the Atlantic, How American Health Care Killed My Father, David Goldhill observes something so simple and obvious that it has been largely ignored: "Health Insurance Isn't Health Care."
"How often have you heard a politician say that millions of Americans “have no health care,” when he or she meant they have no health insurance? How has a method of financing health care become synonymous with care itself?
. . .
We’ve become so used to health insurance that we don’t realize how absurd that is. We can’t imagine paying for gas with our auto-insurance policy, or for our electric bills with our homeowners insurance, but we all assume that our regular checkups and dental cleanings will be covered at least partially by insurance. Most pregnancies are planned, and deliveries are predictable many months in advance, yet they’re financed the same way we finance fixing a car after a wreck—through an insurance claim.
Goldhill speaks of the perverse incentives for higher costs under our insurance-centric model and offers smart alternatives.  Obama has been held up as intellectually agile, measured, and thoughtful.  This health care debacle has revealed a very different Obama: one who is heavy-handed, rigid, and partisan.

In my view, fiddling with health insurance is a zero-sum game - one can only spread the care thinner with fewer options and less availability (if one doesn't wish to spend more money).  Those on the left are satisfied with this result, saying it is for the 'greater good.'  But if we can address the root causes of high costs and weaken (rather than strenghten!) insurance's hold on our care, the cost and availability of insurance can be more easily addressed.  Goldhill's article offers more insights than I can adequately address in a blog of reasonable length and is well worth reading.
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